The university is the last line of defense: Aleksandra Inić-Canada on student protests and academic solidarity

1. How do you, as a professor at a prestigious European university, view the current student protests in Serbia? Are you following what is happening?

   
   

Yes, I follow everything very closely and from many different angles. These protests are not merely a reaction to a single tragedy; they are an eruption of accumulated helplessness and decades of injustice. This is a rebellion of a generation that has been systematically robbed of its future. These are young people who know that without displaying loyalty to the ruling party, they have no chance of finding employment, building a career, or leading a dignified life. It does not surprise me that they are the ones who took to the streets. On the contrary, I am surprised that this did not happen much earlier.

2. How important is the solidarity of professors with students in the fight for democratic principles and freedom of speech, especially in the repressive political context in Serbia?

   
   

In a context where pressure, censorship, and fear have become everyday realities, the solidarity of professors is not a matter of sympathy, but of personal and professional integrity. For decades, the system in Serbia has rested on a silenced and disenfranchised academic community. And that is no accident. Let us remember Šešelj’s Law on the University and the consequences it left behind. Professors, researchers, and teachers have been systematically humiliated for years—financially, symbolically, and institutionally. They were removed from their positions, pushed out of the public sphere, and turned into administrative executors of the will of politically appointed, often incompetent managers.

Today, that silence is bursting at the seams. The university is more than an educational institution—it is the last line of defense of social autonomy. If the university falls, so does the idea that knowledge, critical thinking, and freedom of expression can exist independently of political will.

I was particularly impressed by the strike of educators in Serbia and their courage to say clearly and loudly: “This cannot go on any longer,” in solidarity with students and citizens. They are not only defending their salaries, but their profession, the integrity of schools, and the fundamental right of every child to learn in a system that is not ideologically subservient.

Today, it is the students who remind us of fundamental values—they have become the voice of reason and resistance. Professors have a duty, an obligation, and a privilege to stand with them.

3. In Serbia, we have seen examples of professors who supported students, but also those who remained on the sidelines. What, in your opinion, is the social responsibility of university professors in such moments?

   
   

There is no such thing as neutrality in these situations. We all know how the system works: party-based recruitment, collapsed institutions, and erased boundaries between political power and university hierarchy. A professor who “stands aside” in fact supports the status quo. Our job is not only to teach subject matter, but to defend the principles that give that knowledge meaning. Silence is complicity.

4. How do students and the academic community in Austria react when faced with political pressure? Are there protection mechanisms that could serve as inspiration for Serbia?

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Austria has strong mechanisms to protect academic autonomy, but even here the struggle was not easy. It was necessary to fight for university independence, social justice, and equality, as well as for the rights of students who are not part of the elite. No right is given by default—behind every right there is someone’s struggle.

What can serve as inspiration for Serbia is a model of institutionalized solidarity: student unions, teachers’ unions, and professorial bodies that are not afraid to speak out publicly. This creates an infrastructure of resistance. Serbia formally has most of these mechanisms, but without transparency and consistent application, they remain a dead letter.

5. Do you believe that the international academic community can or should provide support to students in Serbia? What might that support look like?

Not only can it—it must. The academic community is global. When students in Belgrade, Novi Sad, or Niš stand up against a regime that is destroying their future, it is not only their struggle. Support can be symbolic—through public letters and statements (for example, letters of support for Serbian students and professors)—but also concrete: through visiting scholarships for persecuted students, scientific cooperation with professors under pressure, media visibility, and joint forums, publications, and projects.

The problem is that such support most often comes thanks to individuals rather than as a result of an organized institutional response. Institutional inertia remains a key obstacle.

6. As a member of the Civil Movement Solidarity, what do you see as the next step in connecting the academic community, citizens, and political actors who want change in Serbia?

It is long past time for all those who share values such as justice, solidarity, equality, freedom, and concern for the public good to come together. Regardless of whether this happens through a joint platform or through individual initiatives, it is crucial to clearly and honestly articulate a common political vision.

The academic community should contribute knowledge, citizens should contribute courage and lived experience, and political actors outside the regime must demonstrate maturity and a genuine willingness to cooperate. They must listen not only to one another, but also to the voices of those who are protesting—on the streets, in front of universities, and in classrooms.

I believe that we can build a political front that will not merely express dissatisfaction with the existing regime but will offer a concrete vision of a fairer society. Today’s situation is far more favorable than it was before November 1, and change, as so many times before, begins precisely this way: among students and on the streets.

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Aleksandra Inić-Kanada, member of the Board of the Citizens’ Movement Solidarity, graduated in biochemistry in 1996 from the University of Belgrade, where she immediately began working at the “Branislav Janković” Immunological Research Center, focusing on research into innate immunity and autoimmune diseases. She holds a master’s degree in immunochemistry and a PhD in immunology from the Department of Biochemistry at the Faculty of Chemistry, University of Belgrade. She also gained additional experience in immunology and vaccinology at the “Torlak” Institute.

After moving to Austria, she continued her postdoctoral training at the Medical University of Vienna, focusing on chlamydial infections and vaccine development. From 2014 to 2018, she served as Deputy Scientific Director of the Center for Eye Inflammation and Infections. After completing her habilitation in immunology and vaccinology in 2019, she obtained a permanent position at the Medical University of Vienna, where she teaches various modules in infectious diseases, tropical medicine, vaccinology, and immunology. She currently leads a research group focused on the pathogenesis of chlamydial infections, the development of new vaccination strategies, and the role of mucosal immunity in protection against bacterial pathogens.