JASNA MATIĆ, INTERNATIONAL SECRETARY OF GP SOLIDARNOST: Serbia belongs in the European Union

After Aleksandar Vučić shaped Serbia’s foreign policy for more than a decade with the declared strategic goal of joining the European Union, this goal remains unattainable. Does Serbia truly want to join the EU, and what reforms is it prepared to implement?

It has been clear for years—I would say since the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) entered the political scene—that EU membership is not Serbia’s true objective. Its real goal is unchecked power and its unscrupulous abuse for personal enrichment, without fear of the judiciary or the media, both of which are now under complete control. Accordingly, the SNS has shaped its foreign policy primarily through intergovernmental agreements that allow a lack of transparency, extra-institutional decision-making, and the circumvention of regulations, including the Law on Public Procurement.

The European Union, on the other hand, is based on the exact opposite principles: checks and balances, transparency in governance, and a free press. The EU’s key demands on Serbia—the rule of law, the fight against corruption, public procurement reform, media legislation, and electoral legislation—fully correspond to the demands of citizens who have been protesting across the country for nine months. Reforms that would bring Serbia into line with EU standards are precisely what the citizens are calling for.

After twelve years of Progressive Party rule, Serbia has not only failed to make progress toward EU membership, but has in fact significantly drifted away from European standards in key areas—above all in the rule of law, institutional stability, free and fair elections, and media freedom. International organisations that monitor these fields have unanimously recorded a serious decline across the board.

Meanwhile, other countries in the region have implemented reforms and continue advancing toward EU membership. The European Commission now expects Albania and Montenegro to become new members by the end of 2029, at the close of the current Commission’s mandate. Serbia is not mentioned in these plans, despite having been at the top of the candidate list twelve years ago.

Jasna Matić, international secretary - GP Solidarnost

What is Solidarity’s position on harmonizing Serbia’s foreign policy with the EU, especially with regard to sanctions against Russia?

I believe that it is necessary and beneficial for Serbia to harmonize its foreign policy with that of the European Union, including the introduction of sanctions against Russia. We are a small country that has been facing a series of serious crises for decades, and today’s international order is further complicated by two large, tragic, and long-lasting armed conflicts—one on European soil, the other in the Middle East.

In such circumstances, it is crucial to have a reliable and well-intentioned partner on the international stage. The European Union is precisely such a partner for Serbia: a community of states that sees part of its future in us and therefore has a genuine interest in peace, democracy, and prosperity here.

It seems that Serbia’s relations with the major world powers are primarily aimed at preserving Aleksandar Vučić’s power, often at the cost of resources and other strategic interests. In your opinion, how should Serbia shape these relations in line with the long-term interests of the state?

It is essential for Serbia to maintain constructive relations with key global partners. However, these relations must be guided by the interests of our citizens, with an unequivocal commitment to international law, the protection of human rights, and respect for democratic principles.

The so-called “four-pillar” policy is, in my deep conviction, not the optimal solution for Serbia. Our country does not have the capacity to deal with the world’s greatest powers on an equal footing while consistently protecting its own interests. In international relations, there is no love—only interests. By opening all doors at once, we have enabled various actors to pursue their own goals in Serbia, while our national interests have been pushed to the background.

Over the past twelve years, these goals have often been achieved to the detriment of Serbia—through the handover of natural resources outside legally prescribed procedures, violations of public procurement rules, environmental protection standards, occupational safety regulations, and workers’ rights. Many of these decisions were made far from the public eye, under the pretext of state or business secrecy, and the beneficiaries were companies close to the government that made enormous profits in non-market conditions and in open violation of the law.

I will repeat that Serbia needs a reliable and long-term partner in international relations. For us, that partner is the European Union.

How can and must Serbia build regional cooperation and stability in the Balkans?

The student and civic protests are sincerely supported by citizens from across the region, who recognize in them a shared struggle for freedom, justice, and dignity. This is not surprising. We are connected by cultural patterns, family ties, and, with many, a common language. Trade links have survived despite all the turbulence and crises, and cultural cooperation, although often non-institutional, is still very much alive.

Unfortunately, stability in the region is too often held hostage to the immediate political interests of ruling elites and interest groups. Lasting and genuine stability in the Western Balkans can only be achieved through an anti-nationalist regional policy based on truth, reconciliation, and the mutual recognition of the suffering of all peoples. This implies a firm commitment to regional dialogue and a resolute fight against nationalism and ethnic exclusivity.

It is necessary to strengthen regional cooperation on the principles of equality, respect for human rights, economic and cultural ties, and freedom of movement. Joint educational, cultural, and economic programs are of particular importance, with a strong focus on local communities, youth, and women.

Joint environmental and infrastructure initiatives—clean air, clean water, and preserved nature—will further contribute to making the Western Balkans a space of cooperation and solidarity rather than division and borders.

All of this is far easier to achieve within existing European Union programs and with the support of the EU.

Why did you decide to join GP Solidarnost?

I have always seen Serbia as part of the European Union and wanted it to realize all the advantages that membership brings: a guarantee of peace, strong democratic institutions, social justice, free media and elections, and the highest standards of human rights and environmental protection.

The European Union is also a unique mechanism for achieving prosperity. New members—without exception, some faster, some slower—are catching up with the level of development of older members, and this progress benefits the broadest segments of the population, lifting many out of poverty.

In GP Solidarnost, I recognized the same desire and strategic priority for Serbia to become a full EU member as soon as possible, as well as people who are like-minded and share the same values and vision for the future of our country. My decision is also rooted in the social-democratic principles of GP Solidarnost, which fully coincide with my vision of Serbia’s future.

I expect GP Solidarnost to succeed in making our strategic priority—EU membership—a priority for all of Serbia, and that this goal will be achieved as soon as possible through our country’s full accession to the European Union.

Jasna Matić, International Secretary of GP Solidarity