SOLIDARITY AND TRADE UNIONISM – A SHARED MISSION

A conversation with Zoran Tanasijević, President of the Council for Cooperation with Trade Unions of the Solidarity Civic Movement

To begin with, for months there have been calls from various parts of the public for a general strike. It seems that there is a lack of a realistic assessment of what the political and trade union landscape in Serbia looks like today.

On the political scene, we have organizations – parties, movements, initiatives – that have only declaratively chosen their position on the political map. In real life, those divisions into “left,” “right,” or “center” have completely lost their meaning. As a result, we have the strange situation that in parliament the interests of trade unions are sometimes represented by MPs from an extremely right-wing organization such as Dveri, while the interests of big capital are represented by MPs from a party of social-democratic orientation, such as the Democratic Party.

On the trade union scene, the situation is somewhat worse. Without going into the reasons, the fact is that today in Serbia we have around 24,000 registered trade union organizations and six trade union confederations. Moreover, they are to a large extent mutually divided and, in principle, reject any “inter-union” cooperation. This fragmentation does not help improve workers’ rights. On the contrary.

What is the essential role of trade unions in a democratic system, and how could that purpose be fulfilled in Serbia?

It is necessary to affirm in the public the true role of trade unions, instead of the one to which they have been reduced today. Trade unions are interest-based organizations, and their task is to protect, that is, represent the interests of their membership, both with employers and with the executive branch, but above all with the legislative branch of government.

The basic idea, therefore, is for trade union representatives to be included in the process of drafting laws that concern their membership, rather than merely commenting on provisions that are already finalized and difficult to change. Since, at least according to the Constitution, legislative power lies with members of parliament, trade unions are left with no choice but to cooperate with political organizations.

What should such cooperation look like in practice?

First, a political organization would have to responsibly accept the institutionalization of cooperation with trade unions, include trade union representatives in its bodies – sectoral committees, councils, offices for trade unions – and ensure that its MPs in parliament represent the ideas, proposals, and objections of trade union representatives.

If we return to the beginning of the interview, this may sound unlikely, but I emphasize that it is nevertheless possible. Moreover, it is necessary.

In every trade union you can find people with whom you can have serious discussions and from whom you can hear clear, well-argued objections and proposals. Of course, there are also those with whom you would not even have a cup of coffee, but in such an important task subjective feelings must not obscure the goals. What matters is that such cooperation is possible; it is less important whether it might be demanding.

What about attempts by trade unions to enter politics independently?

Some trade union leaders have tried to enter politics directly, bypassing political organizations. At one point, the president of ASNS (Association of Free and Independent Trade Unions) or the president of the Sloga Trade Union found themselves in parliament as independent MPs. Since they did not have the support of parliamentary groups, or only had it occasionally, this “experiment” ended unsuccessfully. They failed even to promote the ideas of their unions, let alone achieve concrete results.

Let us return to strikes. What does the Solidarity Civic Movement see as its obligation when it comes to labor legislation and the right to strike?

The Solidarity Civic Movement wants to be an ally of workers and their representatives, rather than merely declarative. Accordingly, we will support in every way the adoption of a new Labor Law that would also regulate the right to strike. And this must be emphasized: in regulating the right to strike, only the minimum level of work process should be prescribed. All other provisions of a potential Strike Law would be restrictive.

How do you view the issue of trade union representativeness and social dialogue?

Some trade unions will oppose this, but the Solidarity Civic Movement will advocate for the re-examination and re-establishment of trade union representativeness and the formation of a Socio-Economic Council. Such a Socio-Economic Council would have to be consulted before the adoption of laws in the field of labor legislation.

You also propose a new, unconventional idea. What is it about?

Yes, the Solidarity Civic Movement will support the idea of the so-called TRADE UNION SEAT in parliament. A trade union seat would mean having a trade union representative in parliament who has all the rights and obligations of an MP except the right to vote. The right to vote would be withheld in order to make the representative “uninteresting” for recruitment by parliamentary groups.

Do trade unions have reservations about this idea?

Trade unions are skeptical, probably due to a conditioned reflex created by inter-union frictions. Their question is “who will sit in that seat” instead of “how can that seat be useful to all of us.” I believe that the second question will impose itself in time.

After all, that trade union seat could be occupied by someone who is not a trade union leader – an excellent lawyer or political scientist who would defend trade union positions in the plenary session and, during breaks, lobby for trade union ideas and proposals. And of course, this is an advantage worth considering: if trade unions are not satisfied with his or her work, they can always replace that person, without consequences for inter-union relations.

Finally, how does the Solidarity Civic Movement see its future relationship with trade unions?

Simply put, as a political organization that emerged out of necessity and on the principles of solidarity – an idea that, in ideal conditions, is also the core trade union idea – the Solidarity Civic Movement will, through the Council for Cooperation with Trade Unions, establish institutionalized cooperation with interested trade unions in the best possible way. Such cooperation can only be beneficial to workers, society, and citizens.